'No suit, nor suit, nor any other legal proceeding' - 'To the Central Government or the State Government or any of its officers or any other person for any act done or done in good faith or in good faith under this Act. No litigation, litigation or legal proceedings will be faced.
Section 13 of the Farmers Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Simplification) Act, 2020 - which aims to abolish the Agricultural Produce Marketing Committees (Agricultural Produce Marketing Committee) - welcomes you with these words.
Did you think that the new laws are only related to the farmers? Certainly there are other laws which keep public servants free from judicial accountability in terms of the work done in order to fulfill their legal obligations.
But this law has gone many steps ahead of all these.
It is extraordinary to keep 'everyone who works with good intentions' free from judicial accountability in the context of anything - whatever they do. Not only can they not be brought to the forefront of law for anything they may have done in a good spirit, but they have also been provided with a protective cover against legal action for any such crime. , Which they are yet to do, they are about to do (apparently with 'good intentions').
If you have not yet understood that the way to knock the door of the court is closed for you, then read Section 15. After this you will have no confusion.
'No civil court shall have any right to hear any such matter, whose cognizance may be taken by any authority empowered under this Act or the rules laid down by it and disposed of by it. . '
Who is 'any other person' who works with noble intentions, which cannot be legally challenged? Let us help you a bit: Listen to the names of corporate veterans whose protesting farmers are raising slogans. It is associated with the business and business of big, very big business
'No suit, no lawsuit, nor legal proceeding….' - Only the farmers have not been denied the right to file a case. No one else can do this. The same applies to public interest petitions.
That is, no public interest litigation can be filed by anyone. Nor can non-profit groups or agricultural unions or any citizen (with good intentions or slander) interfere in it.
Except in the Emergency of 1975-77 (when all the fundamental rights were postponed), there is no such instance of denying citizens the right to seek legal assistance.
It is affecting every Indian. The legal language of these laws transforms a (lower level) officer into a judiciary. In fact, in the judge, jury and executioner.
This further tilts the scales of power already tilted unjustly between farmers and large corporations (corporations) more (in favor of corporates).
Concerned over this, the Delhi Bar Council has written a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi asking, 'How can a legal dispute related to a civil (civil) case be decided by such structures, which includes administrative agencies controlled by the executive authorities? Huh?'
Sub Divisional Magistrates and Additional District Magistrates come under the executive authorities - every Indian knows how famous they are for their freedom, good faith and goodwill. '
The Delhi Bar Council has termed the handing over of judicial powers to the executive "dangerous and a big mistake". He has recorded its impact on the legal profession, writing, "It will especially do a lot of damage to the district courts and dig the root of the lawyers. '
Do you still think that it is only related to farmers?
Such laws related to contracts and transfer of powers - Price Assurance and Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Agricultural Services Act, 2020.
Section 18 repeats the argument with 'good intentions'. Section 19 states:
'Hearing any dispute on which the authority to decide under this Act has been given to the Sub Divisional Authority or the Appellate Authority shall not be within the jurisdiction of any civil court and no court or authority shall prohibit any such act. Those who are or are to be made according to the powers given under this Act or the rules made in accordance with it.
And if you feel that Article 19 of the Indian Constitution gives the right to speech and freedom of expression, peaceful association, freedom of movement, organization or association, then stop.
Section 19 of this Act in its basic form also repeals Section 32 of the Constitution, which gives the right to constitutional treatment to the public. Article 32 is considered part of the basic structure of the Constitution.
It is certainly not possible that the mainstream media (which is a strange name given to 70 per cent of the population and forums that have no connection with its questions) is unaware of the implications of these new agricultural laws for India's democracy.
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Such laws related to contracts and transfer of powers - Price Assurance and Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Agricultural Services Act, 2020. Section 18 repeats the argument with 'good intentions'. Section 19 states: 'Hearing any dispute on which the authority to decide under this Act has been given to the Sub Divisional Authority or the Appellate Authority shall not be within the jurisdiction of any civil court and no court or authority shall prohibit any such act. Those who are or are to be made according to the powers given under this Act or the rules made in accordance with it. And if you feel that Article 19 of the Indian Constitution gives the right to speech and freedom of expression, peaceful association, freedom of movement, organization or association, then stop. Section 19 of this Act in its basic form also repeals Section 32 of the Constitution, which gives the right to constitutional treatment to the public. Article 32 is considered part of the basic structure of the Constitution. It is certainly not possible that the mainstream media (which is a strange name given to 70 per cent of the population and forums that have no connection with its questions) is unaware of the implications of these new agricultural laws for India's democracy. Do not cheat on any conflict of interest (in plural). These media are also corporations. Surveyors of India's largest corporation are also India's largest and wealthiest media owners. Among the people who are being named in the slogans being raised by the farmers deposited at the gateways of Delhi, one is of Ambani. Secondly, even at the lower levels, the gap between the Fourth State (the fourth pillar of democracy) and real estate has been lost for a long time. The mainstream media is so deeply engrossed with them that it is not possible for them to prefer the interests of the citizens (let alone the farmers) over the interests of the corporations. The game of defaming the farmers in their newspapers and channels in political reports is continuing and relentless - they are rich farmers, they are only farmers of Punjab, they are Khalistani, they are pretenders, they are Congress conspirators etc. (However, there are some wonderful and common exceptions.) However, editorials of big media take a different route and show crocodiles. His arguments are like this: In fact the government should have dealt with it better. These (agitators) are delusional people who are blindfolded. They should be explained about the intelligence of the economists and the Prime Minister of the government - who have made laws to benefit the farmers, which are so important for the farmers and for the country's economy. After saying this much, they insist on this: These laws are important and mandatory and should be implemented. An editorial in the Indian Express said, "The fault lies not in the reforms, but in the manner of passing agricultural laws and the lack of public relations strategy of the government or any such strategy." The Express is also concerned that this negligence will harm other good schemes, which, like these three agricultural laws, are necessary reforms to exploit the real potential of Indian agriculture. According to a Times of India editorial, the primary task before the government is to clear the misconceptions of farmers about the possible elimination of the minimum support price system. After all, the reform package of the center is an honest effort to increase private participation in agricultural trade. Expectations of doubling agricultural income are based on the success of these unchecked reforms… and such reforms will also correct harmful distortions in the Indian food market. '
Such laws related to contracts and transfer of powers - Price Assurance and Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Agricultural Services Act, 2020. Section 18 repeats the argument with 'good intentions'. Section 19 states: 'Hearing any dispute on which the authority to decide under this Act has been given to the Sub Divisional Authority or the Appellate Authority shall not be within the jurisdiction of any civil court and no court or authority shall prohibit any such act. Those who are or are to be made according to the powers given under this Act or the rules made in accordance with it. And if you feel that Article 19 of the Indian Constitution gives the right to speech and freedom of expression, peaceful association, freedom of movement, organization or association, then stop. Section 19 of this Act in its basic form also repeals Section 32 of the Constitution, which gives the right to constitutional treatment to the public. Article 32 is considered part of the basic structure of the Constitution. It is certainly not possible that the mainstream media (which is a strange name given to 70 per cent of the population and forums that have no connection with its questions) is unaware of the implications of these new agricultural laws for India's democracy. Do not cheat on any conflict of interest (in plural). These media are also corporations. Surveyors of India's largest corporation are also India's largest and wealthiest media owners. Among the people who are being named in the slogans being raised by the farmers deposited at the gateways of Delhi, one is of Ambani. Secondly, even at the lower levels, the gap between the Fourth State (the fourth pillar of democracy) and real estate has been lost for a long time. The mainstream media is so deeply engrossed with them that it is not possible for them to prefer the interests of the citizens (let alone the farmers) over the interests of the corporations. The game of defaming the farmers in their newspapers and channels in political reports is continuing and relentless - they are rich farmers, they are only farmers of Punjab, they are Khalistani, they are pretenders, they are Congress conspirators etc. (However, there are some wonderful and common exceptions.) However, editorials of big media take a different route and show crocodiles. His arguments are like this: In fact the government should have dealt with it better. These (agitators) are delusional people who are blindfolded. They should be explained about the intelligence of the economists and the Prime Minister of the government - who have made laws to benefit the farmers, which are so important for the farmers and for the country's economy. After saying this much, they insist on this: These laws are important and mandatory and should be implemented. An editorial in the Indian Express said, "The fault lies not in the reforms, but in the manner of passing agricultural laws and the lack of public relations strategy of the government or any such strategy." The Express is also concerned that this negligence will harm other good schemes, which, like these three agricultural laws, are necessary reforms to exploit the real potential of Indian agriculture. According to a Times of India editorial, the primary task before the government is to clear the misconceptions of farmers about the possible elimination of the minimum support price system. After all, the reform package of the center is an honest effort to increase private participation in agricultural trade. Expectations of doubling agricultural income are based on the success of these unchecked reforms… and such reforms will also correct harmful distortions in the Indian food market. '
{With input from news agency language)
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